“Most respected doctor!
At last I am able to write to you. You can imagine how difficult it was for me when I had been unable to use your willingness to help in those times that are ever so trying for us, the more so that each day required increased assistance. Because of the reasons that I might once be able to explain to you in person, I couldn’t work with you and the other friends, and still don’t have an official permit to do so. Yet one can hope that it will soon be the case, particularly if you treat this letter of mine positively. It would serve as the basis also for official cooperation.
From 25 March this year, 60 Alafim (thousand) have left the country; they were placed in part in the General Governorate and, in part, in the Reich. The settlers are divided in two groups:
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Men and women fit to work are placed in labour centres; it is these particular groups of whom there is no news. The only news, supplied outside the postal framework, report that these men and women are assigned to heavy labour according to their qualification.
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Groups of families, i.e. the category that cannot be considered for labour, is largely settled in the General Government in the district of Lublin. Postal connection with this group is somewhat more flexible. Yet, if we realise that, out of the 60 Alafim, we only have addresses on two, you can imagine how difficult it is to help them individually.
Of all the news we keep receiving and clear image arises: the situation of the prisoners is most tragic. We have information of disproportionately higher death rate, which is largely the consequence of utter malnourishment. It is further exacerbated by the fact that the prisoners are placed en masse in small villages: insufficient hygiene therefore sets the potential for all diseases. Clothing is one of the greatest difficulties, as all information clearly suggests that these people only have what they wear. Another catastrophic factor is the absence of medication and of doctors. Hence the inevitably high mortality rate. The last transports that also included the poor and frail, i.e. all old people’s homes; thus even the people from hospitals unable to withstand the transport must have been included. As tragic as it may sound that these people won’t live to see the end of the journey, we ought to hope for the best. The worst in all of this is the fate of children who, because of malnutrition and all aforementioned factors, are destined to extinction.
The current situation looks like this:
According to the original agreement between our Government and the Germans, 60 Alafim were to be expelled. Except for two leading officials in our government who call for full implementation of the action, there is some willingness to halt it, as the interest of the state requires that some categories remain in the country. Yet the two top ranking and most decisive men continue to call for the full implementation of the entire scheme, i.e. the expulsion of all Jews. The German side continuously exerts pressure and desires 100-percent completion of the scheme. Now, in connection with the issue, the German Ezotgeber left for his country. We tried to make his report come out in a sense that the remaining 24 Alafim can still be rescued. Ezotgeber took along statistical data as well as a memorandum. We also hinted at a promise which I shall get back to later. It means that, in the positive case, we would remain obliged to them. In connection with our commitment, he was willing to draft his report as we suggested subjectively.
At the moment, the action proceeds without interruption, i.e. every week at least one Alef (thousand) has to be made available. There are raids day and night to find people in hiding. The last few weeks saw the cessation of the parental protection, i.e. the older generation will, in no time, fall prey to the deportations. In addition to that, family transports now take always pregnant women, as well as toddlers and children.
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Most respected doctor, I am convinced that you will do your utmost to bring our unfortunate fellow believers relief to their unspeakable suffering. You have already proved so often your deep humanism and willingness to help, that I am certain that you will receive the plea, which I am passing to you in the name of tens of thousands, with understanding. Kindly discuss the matter with Mr Seli Mayer who, as the Joint representative, is equally involved in our concerns. I repeat my plea to send me your decision via the messenger who delivers you this letter. He was recommended to me as most serious and honourable man in every respect, someone you can fully trust.
To make our future cooperation more flexible, I take the liberty of sending you a code, so that we can communicate comprehensibly by cable, telephone as well as letters.
(…) Your answer, to be kindly handed to the messenger of this letter, should be addressed to the name of
Ella Mann
In the future, I shall continue signing unofficial dispatches and letters sent form here by the name of Ella.
In contrast with that, your answers should be directed to the name of Gisi F. or Leo R., to their private addresses that even Nathans knows.
At the same time, I am sending you a number of annexes and/or copies of some letters brought to us by the Schlichim. Kindly make sure they do not get out to the open, just as the content of my letter has to be treated as confidential. Alternatively, do destroy the letter as soon as you assume a position on it. (…)”
Letter to Arthur Silberschein, 27 June 1942